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Dumping on Robert Barro

Matt Yglesias has a very good post on Robert Barro's latest.  Brad DeLong seems to agree with Matt.  Paul Krugman uses the word "boneheaded" to describe the Barro piece.

This exchange is a good micro-cosm of how the stimulus debate has proceeded.  A highly respected anti-stimulus economist puts up some anti-stimulus evidence in a highly imperfect test (in Barro's defense, he did cover more than just WWII).  The anti-stimulus economist is attacked by pro-stimulus economists.  But the pro-stimulus proponents are focused on attack.  They are not putting up comparable empirical evidence of their own for the efficacy of fiscal policy and there is a reason for that, namely that the evidence isn't really there.

I fully admit that I don't trust the oft-cited evidence that tax cuts are 4x better stimulus than government spending boosts; I think the result is a mirage from underspecified models.  Overall we simply don't know how well the proposed stimulus will work -- if at all (is aggregate demand always the relevant war?).  It's a kind of Hail Mary pass, an enduring belief in aggregate demand macroeconomics at the theoretical level, even in light of broken banks, sectoral shifts, and nasty, failing expectations, all mixed in with hard to spend well, slow to come on line, monies.  Yes it could work but our agnosticism should be strong rather than just perfunctory. 

Writing polemics against market-oriented economists, no matter what the failings of such economists (and I am one of them, and I have failings), doesn't get us out of that box.

I'll say it again to the pro-stimulus forces: a stimulus is going to happen, so I'd love to be cheered up by your evidence.  Put it on the table.

I also am confused by Krugman's view of the relevance of WWII.  On his blog, at the end of a discussion of how the historical example of WWII doesn't much apply, he writes:

I can’t quite imagine the mindset that leads someone to forget all this, and think that you can use World War II to estimate the multiplier that might prevail in an underemployed, rationing-free economy.

And he is upset at Barro for thinking that the WWII experience does apply.  Fair enough, but a) the War didn't start at full employment, and b) is it possible that Barro received this impression from reading Krugman himself?  In Rolling Stone last week Krugman wrote:

It took the giant public works project known as World War II — a project that finally silenced the penny pinchers — to bring the Depression to an end.

The lesson from FDR's limited success on the employment front, then, is that you have to be really bold in your job-creation plans. Basically, businesses and consumers are cutting way back on spending, leaving the economy with a huge shortfall in demand, which will lead to a huge fall in employment — unless you stop it. To stop it, however, you have to spend enough to fill the hole left by the private sector's retrenchment.

If you read both Krugman passages closely, there is not actually a literal contradiction.  But still, a fundamental decision has to be made on whether to run away from the WWII evidence or not.  I say the WWII evidence does not apply and so I am closer to Krugman as he writes on his blog.

Either way you cut it, there aren't any boneheads in the room.

Posted by Tyler Cowen on January 23, 2009 at 07:47 AM in Economics | Permalink

Comments

Bravo Tyler, Bravo! A voice of moderation and impartiality in this debate often filled with raging egos and tiresome ad hominem attacks. Bravo!

Posted by: Andrew at Jan 23, 2009 8:01:58 AM

A great post. As the Popper said, if you seek the truth then you need to look for the strengths in your opponents' arguments and the weaknesses in your own. I'd really love to see Krugman write a thoughtful post one the subject of how fiscal stimulus may fail. (And whether this back-of-the-matchbook multipliers ought to be non-linear in the size of the stimulus).

Posted by: Luis Enrique at Jan 23, 2009 8:02:19 AM

Nice post.

It remains comical how little those dangerous words "Robert Higgs" figures into the discussion.

Posted by: Daniel Klein at Jan 23, 2009 8:02:48 AM

It's an attack against the pretense of positive evidence. I don't need to show that 2 + 2 = 4 to falsify the claim of 2 + 2 = 5. I just need to show that 2 + 2 ≠ 5. If you're saying that the rhetoric is over the top, it seems to me that this is mainly a response to the perception that Barro turned off his academic filter: he knows (or should know) that the WW2 argument would never survive in an academic setting but offers it anyway because he knows that the topic will not be decided in academia but in the court of public opinion.

Posted by: ogmb at Jan 23, 2009 8:03:29 AM

In this case it would seem the burden of proof rests with the proponents of fiscal stimulus. After all, they are proposing spending our money, which they seem to forget frequently. The shrill tone they take speaks volumes about their confidence in their argument.

Posted by: bastiat at Jan 23, 2009 8:13:31 AM

I had just started wondering where all the data and theoretical work had disappeared from the blogs that I've loved reading in the past year (about economics of the world). It seems as if polemics had eaten the scientific prudence.

Posted by: Mikko at Jan 23, 2009 8:15:37 AM

Yes, what about Higgs? Ohanian?

Posted by: Craig Bardo at Jan 23, 2009 8:23:28 AM

I've enjoyed your coverage of the stimulus debate, however, I'm a bit perplexed by your strong position on fiscal spending.

You ask for someone to "put on the table" evidence of the effectiveness of fiscal spending on economic activity. Here it is: http://www.nber.org/papers/w8108.pdf. Fishback, Horrace, and Kantor find that spending on public works during the 1930's had a significant, positive, effect on retail sales. Of course, they also find that many spending programs did not help (for example, spending on work relief simply shifted the problem to neighboring communities). One interpretation of their findings (which I don't necessarily endorse) is that if the New Deal had been better constructed (more public works spending and no tax increases), then it might have played a larger role in the recovery. This counter-factual is rather difficult to construct. An interpretation I'm more inclined to favor (with the authors of the paper) is that "fiscal spending" is not a unitary category. Some components of G are more likely to stimulate economic activity than others. This goes without saying when discussing public finance (usually with the language of microeconomics). Why can't it also be acknowledged when discussing macro concepts (and, yes, I realize that macro is about aggregation, but there are many levels of aggregation that we can choose)?

I believe you've cited the Authors' work on the ultimate ineffectiveness of WWII spending on local economic activity in support of your position, why the silence on the 1930's paper? Am I missing something?

Posted by: Noel Johnson at Jan 23, 2009 8:30:00 AM

"I'll say it again to the pro-stimulus forces: a stimulus is going to happen, so I'd love to be cheered up by your evidence. Put it on the table."

Tyler, I knew you really didn't mean what you said in an earlier post that the burden of proof was on them. We are reduced to begging they at least pretend to respect us in the morning.

Posted by: Andrew at Jan 23, 2009 8:37:08 AM

Reading Krugman and DeLong puts me in mind of a quote by John Stuart Mill:

"In general, opinions contrary to those commonly received can only obtain a hearing by studied moderation of language, and the most cautious avoidance of unnecessary offense, from which they hardly ever deviate even in a slight degree without losing ground: while unmeasured vituperation employed on the side of the prevailing opinion really does deter people from professing contrary opinions, and from listening to those who profess them."

Posted by: Blackadder at Jan 23, 2009 8:42:35 AM

so I am closer to Krugman as he writes on his blog.

He actually didn't mention you on his blog. You might wish he had, but i didn't read it.

Posted by: .. at Jan 23, 2009 8:46:53 AM

The USA is not a blackbox .History lessons have their limits.I think the doctor should use a broad spectum antibiotic and bear the risk of a superinfection later. As we go along maybe we can use rifle shots on specific problems .


Posted by: Lowrie Glasgow at Jan 23, 2009 9:05:19 AM

.. @ 8:46 --

Tyler means he is closer to the position Krugman takes on his blog.

Posted by: Josh at Jan 23, 2009 9:10:09 AM

I'd really love to see Krugman write a thoughtful post.

Wouldn't we all?

Posted by: Phil at Jan 23, 2009 9:23:03 AM

Noel Johnson:
Thanks for the pointer to the NBER paper, you did everyone a service by linking it under this blog post.

The critique of it's relevance, however, is that the spending component of the New Deal it investigates looks at retail sales for counties and their contiguous neighbors. The emphasis then is on local economic activity, and just one side of it (retail spending). The authors of the paper note that this was at the expense of other non-contiguous counties.

Since the deficit spending argument is on stimulating overall economic activity to get the country out of a recession, this paper would not be great support for that claim because it is looking at smaller sub units and only one aspect of the economy, and finds even that spending to be something of a zero-sum game.

Posted by: JR at Jan 23, 2009 9:32:00 AM

Cool post, Tyler. Amongst its other flaws (I think Tyler is being too nice in saying Krugman didn't literally contradict himself), Krugman's analysis is absurd because he seems to think that these massive $850 billion new spending programs can be turned off on a dime, once they "work."

In other words, Krugman is saying, "Sure Barro, no kidding over the whole period, WW2 military spending had a multiplier of 0.8. But that's because they kept up the huge expenditures after the crisis passed, so crowding out kicked in."

But that's exactly what Mario Rizzo (and others) have been warning about for today! That even if the stimulus "works" in the short run, the political pressures will be very high to keep it going. So at best, you have to weigh the short-term job creation against the long-term job substitution (destroying the private sector jobs that would have been created in the recovery, absent a stimulus package).

Posted by: Bob Murphy at Jan 23, 2009 9:33:31 AM

Tyler, I find the Yglesias post to be a thoughtful and moderate repsonse to the Barro piece, a position your description seems to imply. But your next sentence implies it was somehow an attack. Delong's posts were fairly reasonable as well, if pepppered with a bit more pith. No question Krugman was on the attack, but Nobel or not, he has to be viewed through the filter of selling newspapers. His relevance is partly defined (sadly) by offering up a little red meat. But I think it is a stretch to call the Yglesias and Delong mentions here attacks. We have seen DeLong attack, and it can actually be quite entertaining (Don Luskin anyone?), but this was not an attack.

Posted by: rsquared at Jan 23, 2009 9:37:36 AM

Again, I'd like to see how the nature of this debate/discussion would change if the "huge" reduction in aggregate demand was desired by American consumers. Proponents of major movements to combat climate change are basically demanding this anyway, and proponents of the idea that Americans are over-consumers would support such a change as well.

So my question is this, how do we know as economists, policymakers, or the lay public, whether any change in aggregate demand is desired or not desired. Simply tracking short-run employment dynamics does not seem to me to be an adequate answer.

Posted by: wintercow20 at Jan 23, 2009 9:39:26 AM

This is one of Tylers cryptic posts where the real meaning is

Boneheaded is worse than cry baby.

I don't see any disagreement between his and pro-stimuls economists. Krugman is skeptical that all 850b of it would be spent on right things. Mark Thoma, said we are in unique situation historical precedents don't apply. Admits he didn't have foolproof evidence. TC admits he doesn't have a better plan.


Posted by: JSIS at Jan 23, 2009 9:55:52 AM

JR,

Thanks for you comment on my comment.

You are correct to point out that Fishback et. al. take into account the effect of public works spending on contiguous counties. Of course, they find that, "New Deal spending on public works tended to promote retail sales in both the county where the money was spent and in contiguous neighbors...". In other words, public works spending did not come at the cost of retail sales in neighboring counties. As I note in my previous post, other types of spending may have shifted economic activity, but not the public works spending.

So why doesn't this paper apply to the debate?

Posted by: Noel Johnson at Jan 23, 2009 10:08:21 AM

"he knows (or should know) that the WW2 argument would never survive in an academic setting but offers it anyway because he knows that the topic will not be decided in academia but in the court of public opinion."

Huh? Did you read what Tyler Cohen wrote above? The main evidence that Keynesian's have always used to defend stimulus is WWII. And Paul Krugman did exactly that when he wrote:

"It took the giant public works project known as World War II — a project that finally silenced the penny pinchers — to bring the Depression to an end."

All Barro did was take Krugman at face value and actually analyze WW2. If Barro is wrong then Krugman is wrong for bringing this up in the first place. As are all Keynesians. So ogmb please explain how you square the attacks on Barro with Krugman's WWII quote.

Posted by: assman at Jan 23, 2009 10:13:12 AM

undgraduate macroeconomics text at the university of chicago: barro.

masters level graduate international economics text at johns hopkins SAIS: krugman & obstfeld.

Posted by: william rainey harper at Jan 23, 2009 10:18:15 AM

This really shouldn't be surprising to anyone. Academia seems to largely be a status game, and status (in the form of politics and popular opinion) is pro-stimulus. Thus pro-stimulus economists have no reason to respect the evidence or opinions of anti-stimulus economists, who are mostly beneath them. The burden of proof seems to be determined more by status than logic.

JSIS, if one can show the currently proposed plan will do more harm than good, one does not need a "better plan" to argue against it. Doing nothing is always an option. However, I think there are probably many better plans, such as Arnold Kling's and Bryan Caplan's proposed payroll tax cuts. Keep in mind the objective is to invest in the greatest returns at the margin.

Posted by: Grant at Jan 23, 2009 10:26:48 AM

Thanks Tyler, for doing your part to get everyone to relax.

Posted by: mk at Jan 23, 2009 10:35:27 AM

As a "layman" I have to ask. What evidence do we have that macroeconomics has even been heading in the right direction over the past 100 years, let alone that it can be used to make useful predictions.

More generally, how much credence should we give to any scientists that come to the conclusion that they should more or less rule the world?

Posted by: josh at Jan 23, 2009 10:36:17 AM

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