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Iranian nukes
My knowledge of Iran does not go far beyond Herodotus, a study of their carpets, and about forty servings of chicken fesenjan. Nonetheless I have been trying to sort out my thoughts on the topic...
If you want to argue for optimism, try the following:
Iranian nukes will create an Israeli-Iranian alignment of political interests. Iran is more hated by the Arab states than is often let on. Iranian nukes increase the chance that Arab terrorism will be directed against Teheran rather than Tel Aviv or Manhattan.
Iran with nukes will carve out a greater sphere of influence, in part at the expense of Israel and America. But it will seek to stabilize that sphere, and "Israel" and "stability" likely will be seen as complements. Iran won't want Iraq under the control of al Qaeda. Israel and Iran would work together, albeit covertly, to limit further proliferation in the region.
Some of the Arab nations would find themselves forced into a de facto alliance with israel, if only to resist Iranian power. This is not obviously a bad outcome.
Most politicians -- whether religious fanatics or not -- are pragmatic. The status of a nuke could be a substitute for the status earned by Iran from supporting terrorism and bashing Israel. More importantly, nuclear powers do not generally want to transfer much power to decentralized, hard-to-deter terrorists.
Iran tends to be ruled by councils rather than lone maniacs, a'la North Korea, a far more worrying example. Groups are conservative by their nature. I am aware that the Iranian president sometimes sounds like Hitler, but the talk could be geared to appeal to the Iranian public.
Yes I do fear nuclear proliferation -- greatly in fact -- but Iran getting nukes is neither a) a fact which causes me to up my priors on how bad proliferation will be (which is very bad), nor b) an undeterrable nukeholder. They are a big fat sitting duck, and their history is to seek regional power against Arabs and into central Asia.
Let me sum up the underlying theoretical reasons for relative optimism: 1) the quest for status is often quite local in nature, 2) Arabs and Iranians often distrust each other, 3) it is not all about us; often the U.S., or Israel for that matter, is a symbolic token in local struggles rather than the real target, 4) politicians tend to be pragmatic, and 5) international political coalitions are often more fluid than the rhetoric of politicians would suggest.
Here is Thomas Schelling on Iranian nukes.
But if you wanted to argue it the other way, I would suggest the following:
1. Iran will face another civil war and the losers might lob a nuke at Israel as a kind of going-away present.
2. Israel feels secure with its current nuclear deterrent only because it knows that no hostile country has a counter deterrent against Tel Aviv. If Israel felt less free to use its nuclear weapons, it would feel less secure. It would be subject to repeated regional military taunts, which would eventually lead to war, nuclear or otherwise. The new book The Bomb in the Basement: How Israel Went Nuclear and What It Means for the World -- highly recommended by the way -- is excellent on this issue.
3. Western crazies will someday sneak a small nuke into Teheran, leading to Iranian retaliation.
4. Iranian early warning systems may be unreliable, or subject to manipulation, and erroneously report an Israeli first strike.
Posted by Tyler Cowen on February 8, 2006 at 07:16 AM in Political Science | Permalink
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Comments
I think you can look at Pakistan for a plausible look at how nukes moderate "rogue" states.
Posted by: Chris at Feb 8, 2006 10:08:42 AM
The precedent for Iran-Israel cooperation is of course the attack on the Osirak reactor during the Iran-Iraq war. While the details are unclear, it seems that Israel used Iranian agents to try to sabotage reactor construction in France, and did not move against Osirak until a co-ordinated Iranian attack had failed. Iran is not incapable of being a good international actor when its incentives are right. Unfortunately, nonproliferation has no sensible incentives associated with it at all.
The technical logic of non-proliferation has been deteriorating for years -- imagine if the science of economics were frozen by international agreement at what it had known in 1945 for a picture of how odd the situation in nuclear technology is.
The strategic logic of the non-proliferation treaty is similarly broken: Countries agreed to non-proliferation on the understanding that they were unlikely to find themselves threated by nuclear powers, but this has not proven to be true in the post Cold-war era. This has brought existing disagreements about what precisely the NPT does or does not permit, previously papered over, to the forefront. Countries that withdraw from the NPT cannot be punished effectively, both because sanctions tend to be ineffective and because many countries are wary of how NPT-related sanctions might be applied to them in the future.
Given this, unless diplomats can find new inducements for non-proliferation (and outright bribes to would-be proliferators have proven to be politically and practically infeasible), we have to create a situation in which emerging nuclear powers are likely to be status-quo powers. The best tools to manufacture status-quo powers have always been robust recognition of territorial sovereignty (a country reasonably sure it isn't about to be invaded is less likely to do something stupid) and collective-security arrangements (a country that knows it will have allies if attacked, and whose enemies have a declared intention to band together if it does something stupid, is very positively incentivised). Unfortunately, recognition of territorial sovereignty and pursuit of collective security arrangements both seem to be in disfavor in modern US diplomacy.
Posted by: Grant Gould at Feb 8, 2006 11:13:33 AM
Hitler wanted to appeal to the German public.
Posted by: Oskar Shapley at Feb 8, 2006 12:38:58 PM
It appears, in hindsight, that the US made a couple of tragic miscalculations. First, it assumed that nuclear power was only a bit player in the global energy picture; given the need by any developing economy for stable base load electrical power, this is unlikely to be the case. Second, it essentially halted its research into proliferation-resistent nuclear fuel cycles. How much better off would we be if it were possible to take the position that any country developing HEU stocks or building reactors that produced easily-separated plutonium was clearly doing so with the intent to build weapons?
Perhaps Iran should be allowed to build such weapons -- but at least they would have to say up front that that's what they were up to, without any pretense of "peaceful applications".
Posted by: Michael Cain at Feb 8, 2006 2:50:37 PM
To a large degree this looks like very local politics, indeed
domestic politics. Ahmadinejad was elected as a populist
religious fundamentalist, supposed to overcome the increasing
inequalities and corruption in Iranian society. However, he
faces an ineluctible contradiction: the main beneficiaries of
the corruption and inequality are the clerics who control the
religious foundations, the banyads, that in turn control large
sectors of the economy. Ahmadinejad can do nothing about them.
So, a distraction via foreign policy comes in handy. Let's get
nukes and say that we are merely going for civilian power. This
is popular with all groups in Iran, including the secular middle
class that did not vote for him. Get the Great Satan mad at you
and Israel also, and wow, who can criticize your failure to follow
through on your domestic economic campaign promises?
Posted by: Barkley Rosser at Feb 8, 2006 6:17:48 PM
Something you missed or glossed over in your optimistic assessment: Iran's president is a figurehead. He has some real power, but only where the council of mullahs doesn't care enough to direct him. Ahmadinejad is as much a puppet as Khatami was. If the mullahs want war, they'll get war. If they don't, they won't start one. What Ahmadinejad says is not necessarily relevant to the issue.
Posted by: Anthony at Feb 8, 2006 7:13:19 PM
On the other hand, if Iran is run by irrational lunatics, rather than rational game players, its a big problem. Since we can probably solve it with a few well timed bombing runs, we should.
Posted by: Robert Schwartz at Feb 8, 2006 10:48:26 PM
I believe that "radical, suicidal Islam" could play an international role (along the lines of early communism) that can route around dictators, dictatorial councils, or even democracies. This is the really scary stuff. Religion discounts current living standards significantly for future returns in heaven.
Pakistan is clearly not out of the risk of this issue either.
Posted by: Mr. Econotarian at Feb 10, 2006 10:36:09 AM
I think that more consideration needs to be given to the issue of a regional arms race. We do so in Asia when we consider the likely Japanese nuclearization in response to North Korean ambitions. Saudi Arabia and Iran are not closely aligned, Saudi's have deep ties with Pakistan (funding all the madrassas and other aid) and there have, in the past, existed significant ties to the Pakistani nuclear infrastructure. See this http://www.nti.org/e_research/e3_40a.html for an introduction.
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